"The new year opened with the news that
Tokyo is
developing a virus to disable computers used by cyber
attackers. This comes
after an unidentified hacker
broke into the systems of defense contractor Mitsubishi
Heavy Industries earlier this year, stealing sensitive
information on military programs and nuclear power plants. In
December, the upper house of Parliament was hacked by
addresses originating in China. Ironically, the company
entrusted by the government with developing the cyber
counterattack, Fujitsu, was itself penetrated this past fall,
leading to a crash in service at more than 200 local
government websites."
From today's WSJ, FYI,
David
JANUARY 4, 2012
Defense Boost Ends Tokyo Drift
Japan rethinks the value of a
"peace constitution" in an increasingly unstable region.
Has Japan finally been mugged by reality? Several policy
moves in the past month suggest Tokyo has been rudely
awakened to the dangers of an increasingly volatile region
and is actually doing something about it. By pledging to buy
advanced stealth aircrafts and starting to fight back
against cyberwarfare, Japan is telling the world that it has
figured out good intentions are no insurance against the
destabilizing actions of aggressive regimes. It is an apt
lesson for a troubled time in Asia and a lesson America's
leaders should learn.
The new year opened with the news that Tokyo is
developing a virus to disable computers used by cyber
attackers. This comes after an unidentified hacker broke
into the systems of defense contractor Mitsubishi Heavy
Industries earlier this year, stealing sensitive information
on military programs and nuclear power plants. In December,
the upper house of Parliament was hacked by addresses
originating in China. Ironically, the company entrusted by
the government with developing the cyber counterattack,
Fujitsu, was itself penetrated this past fall, leading to a
crash in service at more than 200 local government websites.
Secondly, the Noda administration announced in December a
long-awaited relaxation of the ban on arms exports, which
also served to choke off joint development of weapons
systems. While a number of restrictions will remain, Japan
will be able to move ahead with foreign cooperative
development of some defensive systems, as it has been doing
with the U.S. on the SM-3 missile interceptor.
Finally, in a widely noticed decision, the government
said it would purchase the stealthy fifth-generation F-35 as
its next frontline fighter. Many observers doubted Japan
would agree to the hefty cost of buying and maintaining an
unproven fighter, but it may provide a useful technological
edge for the Air Self-Defense Forces for decades to come. If
the F-35 lives up to its billing, Japan will become part of
an informal allied air corps in Asia—flying the same plane
and able to cooperate more closely with the U.S., Australia
and South Korea.
These actions, taken together, are a notable swerve away
from a decades-long adherence to the country's postwar
"peace constitution." Over the years, successive governments
tied themselves up in knots trying to present as
nonprovocative a military posture as possible. Few laws
restricting overseas activities were passed, but poor
interpretations of general principles left policy makers
isolated on the world stage.
Most notoriously, a cabinet interpretation denying the
right of collective self-defense, even while upholding the
principle, prevented the natural evolution of an alliance
with the U.S. and resulted in tortuous Diet deliberations
every time Self-Defense Forces were to be sent abroad.
Similarly, the 1967 ban on arms exports was meant to prevent
military items from being sent to belligerents, but wound up
as a comprehensive ban blocking aid to smaller nations or
other democracies. That same year, the Cabinet adopted an
informal rule to limit defense spending to 1% of GDP.
Nonaggression as the nation's highest principle was most
starkly shown in Japan's refusal to contribute forces to the
1991 war against Iraq after it invaded oil-rich Kuwait,
despite the fact that Japan depended on the Middle East for
over 90% of its oil.
Such an Alice-in-Wonderland position could exist only
under the firm umbrella of the U.S. alliance. Washington's
promise to use all means at its disposal, including nuclear
weapons, to protect Japan's sovereignty relieved Tokyo of
the need for serious defense planning. It forewent an
effective national defense and the type of regional
partnerships that would have allowed it to play a larger
role in the strategic environment in Asia as China grew and
North Korea developed nuclear weapons.
Despite this attitude, the island nation maintained a
fairly large and advanced military, as a $40 billion annual
defense budget was no problem for what was long the world's
second largest economy. A strong Maritime Self-Defense Force
was matched by an air force with leading fighters. But the
military spent decades without any foreign deployments. It
was left without experience and without the real power
projection capabilities expected of a liberal nation
dependent on freedom of navigation and regional stability
for its prosperity.
By the late-1990s, geostrategic reality was crashing down
on Japan's weak security posture. China was emerging as a
contentious regional power, buying dozens of submarines and
advanced fighters. And in 1998, North Korea launched a
multi-stage ballistic missile over Japanese territory. This
galvanized national fears and led to the country spending
upwards of a billion dollars annually on ballistic missile
defenses by the mid-2000s. Yet overall defense spending
since 1999 has stayed flat or declined slightly, meaning
that fewer new weapons systems are being bought due to
missile defense eating up the budget.
Now, however, Tokyo seems to be connecting the dots.
Leaders worry the U.S. military will not remain a credible
force in coming decades in light of planned budget cuts, and
have seen Washington's repeated outreach to China, North
Korea and even Iran rebuffed. More countries have more
powerful weapons and there is less confidence in diplomatic
mechanisms to keep peace. In response, last year's National
Defense Program Guidelines codified a strategic change to
"active defense" and closer integration with the U.S. But
only by putting meat on the bones will Japan prove its
seriousness about defending itself and playing a bigger role
in the community of liberal nations promoting stability in
Asia. Looking forward, policies like the ban on collective
self-defense will have to be reassessed.
Dealing with unfriendly neighbors is never fun. But if
the result is a more realistic approach to threats on the
horizon, then the ordeal will lead to a safer Japan and a
safer Asia.
Mr. Auslin is the director of Japan Studies at the
American Enterprise Institute and a columnist for WSJ.com.